self true. However, I object to an explanation that suggests a particular form of transaction should represent market direction, or an absence of market direction.This simplified division has also been criticised by Florence Weber, who considers that, where it concerns such transaction forms, both personal relationships and market directed relationships could arise between the parties, irrespective of the form of acquisition. In my sections of the investigation, I have proceeded in the same way as the other European researchers who started the current land market project in 1999 (Dyer, Feller, Gramain, Müller, Page, Schofield,Weber,Wickham and others) to arrive at the degree of personal bonds and the degree of independent, free market relations between the parties to a transaction. That is to say, I have analysed explicit statements on kinship between the parties; studied how and when the pieces of land were valued and in which connection they were not valued; studied how the price of the land, or the difference between the exchanges, was expressed ie monetary or non-monetary, expressed with a standard measure of value or without; analysed the sales confirmed in writing in which payment was explicitly expressed in order to find out whether it was made with coins or with commodities; and examined whether the value of the expected gift in return was stated in the wills or donations. Finally, I have attempted to get a grasp on the granting of credits in order to determine what the relationships were between borrower and lender in relation to different kinds of pledges. I have also, in contrast to the researchers on the Continent, explored whether these relations looked different depending on whether the initiator of the transaction was a single man, a single woman, husband and wife together, or several heirs jointly and if it mattered whether these initiators were a part of the aristocracy or freeholders. p a r t v i 1 283 cri te ria for a medi eval market economy
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