Every proposal after 1908 was greatly dependent on the memorandum of 1907 by Gustav Olin and Assar Åkerman.The labour law regulation, which was fixed by the labour court’s decisions of 1929-34, and is one pillar of contemporary Swedish law, confirmed most of the employers’ prerogatives and the workers’ right to associate according to the December compromise of 1906. The arguments reached their fixed position already in the labour law committee’s discussions in1908-1909.To a great extent, the debaters in the parliament of 1928 repeated what they or others had said in 1910, something that more than once was noted by the speakers themselves. However, the decisive change in 1928 was that the Liberals now supported the demands from the employers and the political right-wing. Against this background of a changed parliamentary situation, it is remarkable that the Social Democrats did not change tactics by using new arguments for rejecting the bills but just sung the well-known melody, though in a higher pitch. One can ask, whether this approach was a result of a blockage of arguments or an expression of a half-hearted resistance conditioned by internal dissension or political tactics. Regarding the question of the duty of obedience in case 1929: 29, Folke Schmidt has noted that the workers’ representatives obviously failed to cite the alternatives to restrictions that were provided by the Statute on Freedom of Trade of 1864, and, in an even more narrow sense, in the proposed bills of 1901, 1910 and 1911. In all these cases, the main rule was that the worker did not have to perform other tasks than those for which he had been engaged or which derived from custom.601 Our present study has also shown that a similar regulation had been proposed by the 1907 labour law committee as well as the 1910 proposal entailed an obligation for the employer to negotiate, for example, in questions regarding the contents of plant regulations. c o n t i n u i t y a n d c o n t r ac t 321 601 Schmidt, F 1957, pp. 222-223.
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