position of power and their threats to resort to the lockout. Criticism against the regulation was made concrete by the claim that the employers misused their prerogative by changing working conditions and then citing their right to direct and distribute work in order to prevent the workers from using their strike weapon to negotiate on wages. Several Social Democratic speakers demanded that section 23 should be removed from the agreements and that industrial democracy should be implemented. For example, two similar private member bills in each of the chambers - from among others Möller, Sandler, Wigforss, Per Albin Hansson and Värner Rydén - emphasised that the conflict between employers and workers could not be treated the same way as disputes about purchases and that the collective agreement could by no means be sorted under a private law litigation procedure. Legislation should only be resorted to in an emergency, something that did not distinguish the jurists’ “lifeless” view of the matter. At the same time, the people behind the resolution repeatedWigforss’ argument from the 1923 investigation on industrial democracy, namely that as long as an unbroken autocratic rule existed in industry alongside equality and democracy in political life, one could count on there being unrest on the labour market.Therefore, the workers had to get greater influence in industry.570 In the parliamentary debate, Möller, Sandler and Karl Schlyter returned to the demand of the labour movement that section 23 had to be removed from collective agreements, while Sigfrid Hansson emphasised that development inexorably demanded a new view of economic problems. According to Hansson, the idea presented by the Social Democratic government about industrial democracy and production boards had displayed a fresh will to contribute to their solution.571Wigforss himself once again argued that it was not possible to treat collective agreements like p a r t i v, c h a p t e r 9 280 570 MFK1928:282; MAK1928:451. 571 FK1928:35, pp. 71, 75-84.
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