c o n t i n u i t y a n d c o n t r ac t 261 already embarked upon. Theoretically, there namely was no boundary for what constituted the space for union efforts. On the other hand, there was a traditional, practical boundary that was demarcated by the employers setting section 23 as the boundary marker.The committee emphasised that many people within the trade union movement were anxious to move the marker, but not do away with it.527 A representative of the workers, Johan-Olov Johansson from the MetalWorkers’ Union registered his dissent against the proposal on the grounds that a meaningful change could only be brought about if the workers received the right of co-determination and were given a seat and a vote on the company boards.528 From a diametrically opposed point of view, strong protests came from the employers’ representatives on the committee who argued that “no area is less suitable for a democratic form of rule than industry”. Even if collaboration worked poorly between the employer and workers, the proposal did not point to the correct path. The employers had since 1900 been in favour of legislation that aimed at strengthening the customary law that had been developed on the labour market. However, they were not in favour of increased worker influence, that is, restrictions of section 23 prerogatives.They argued that the present subject was not suitable for legislation, but instead should be regulated through voluntary agreements between the parties.The proposal by the majority went much further than the employers were able to approve of.Thus, it was unthinkable to contribute to giving the workers an insight into, powers over, or quit simply codetermination in areas that must be reserved for capital and the price for which would deprive the Swedish industry of its competitive strength abroad. The dissidents argued that the ability of the Swedish industry to compete was already weakened because of social legislation, 527 SOU1923:29, pp. 17-37, quotation p. 36. 528 SOU1923:29, pp. 239-240.
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